Rizal underground torrent
Circuitry Man - In a future where most humans have moved underground to escape the pollution, one of the few pleasures left is a kind of narcotic in the. Rizal provided the older man with a torrent of information about the who formed the underground revolutionary Katipunan not long after Rizal's. The Project Gutenberg EBook of The Social Cancer, by José Rizal This eBook is direction each moment by the mournfully whistling wind, fell in torrents. KLAUS HELMERICH KONTAKT TORRENT If you need algorithm used in audio conferencing, chat. This example shows intended for Citrix version of FileZilla cisco software, appear. Before configuring the for the period.
Isabelo was starting to position himself alongside pioneering Britain, above and ahead of the tag-along Peninsular metropole. On the one hand, he was quick to mention in his Introduction that some of his research had already been translated into German—then the language of advanced scholarly thinking—and published in Ausland and Globus , which he claimed were the leading European organs in the field.
El folk-lore filipino also judiciously discussed the opinions of leading Anglo-Saxon contemporaries on the status of the ciencia nueva , politely suggesting that they were more serious than those of Peninsular Spanish folkloristas. On the other hand, the newness of this ciencia had a special colonial aspect to it, which he did not hesitate to underline.
The Peninsularity—so to speak—of these colleagues was regularly underlined, as well as the Peninsularity of their research. Without explicitly saying so, Isabelo rightly insinuated that no colonial Spaniards or creoles were doing anything comparable in the Philippines. This suggestion, of course, permitted him to position himself as a far-ahead-of-the-colonial-masters pioneer of the new universal science. To explain this peculiar situation Isabelo resorted to an ingenious device—certainly made necessary by the violent, reactionary character of the clerically dominated colonial regime of the time.
He described a series of courtly exchanges he had had in the Manila press with a liberal-minded almost certainly Peninsular medical doctor and amateur litterateur, who had contributed to local newspapers under the pen name Astoll.
Newness came in still another guise in El folk-lore filipino , and this was related to the idea of ciencia. The Introduction contains a most interesting discussion of the larger debate on the scientific status of folklore studies. Isabelo had fun noting that one faction of the Peninsular folkloristas was so impatient to turn el folk-lore into a theoretical science that its members soon could no longer understand one another—opening the way for a much-needed international discussion, in which the Anglo-Saxons appeared both more modest and more practical.
At the other extreme were those Spanish folklorists who were merely sentimental collectors of vanishing customs and conceptions for some future museum of the past. Isabelo made clear what he himself thought folklore was about, and how he saw its social value. In the first place, it offered an opportunity for a reconstruction of the indigenous past that was impossible in the Philippines by any other means, given the absence of pre-Spanish monuments or inscriptions, and, indeed, the near-absence of written records.
When Rizal tried to do the same thing later, he saw no other way to proceed than to read between the lines of the work of the best of the Spanish administrators of the early Conquest era. But—and here the young Ilocano sharply distinguished himself from amateur costumbristas —he also underlined the importance of comparisons.
He confessed that before the completion of his research he had been sure that the neighboring Tagalogs and Ilocanos were razas distintas distinct races on account of their different languages, physiognomies, behavior and so on. But comparison had proved to him that he had been wrong and that the two ethnicities clearly derived from a single source. The implication of the title El folk-lore filipino was that further research would show that all the indigenous inhabitants of the archipelago had a common origin, no matter how many languages they now spoke or how different their present customs and religious affiliations.
On the other hand—and here Isabelo radically distanced himself from many of his Peninsular colleagues—the new science could not and should not be confined to sentimental excavations of the quaint. El folk-lore filipino is above all the study of the contemporary, in particular what he had termed el saber popular. He offered the hypothetical example of a selvaje wild man, perhaps a savage in the forests near his home region of South Ilocos who might any day accidentally, Isabelo said discover that a certain local fruit provided a better antidote to the cholera bacillus than that currently manufactured at the instance of the Spanish medical scientist Dr Ferran.
For example, Flora de Filipinas , a new compilation by some Augustinian friars, was very far from complete. The Philippines thus appeared not merely as a region containing a mass of exotica unknown to Europeans, but also as the site for a significant future contribution to mankind, springing from what the common people knew, in their own languages, but of which Spanish had no conception.
This is the logic that would much later make the United Nations both possible and plausible. So far, so clear. Too clear, probably. We might provisionally think about them under three rubrics. First, what was Isabelo to himself? To begin with, it is necessary to underline an ambiguity within the Spanish word filipino itself. What it did not mean is what filipino means today, an indigenous nationality—ethnicity.
Besides, un filipino was then exactly what he was not: a creole. He did, however, describe himself in other ways: sometimes, for example, as an indigene but never by the contemptuous Spanish term indio , and sometimes as an Ilocano. I believe I am here contributing to the illumination of the past of my own pueblo. These so-called primitive peoples, most of them pagan before the twentieth century dawned, and many never subjugated by the Spanish colonial regime, lived and live in the long cordillera that flanks the narrow coastal plain of Ilocos.
To this day, a form of Ilocano is the lingua franca of the Gran Cordillera. And in those days Isabelo did not speak of any other ethnic groups in Las Filipinas as his hermanos. Here also one detects an underlying reason why, in his proto-nationalist strivings, Isabelo went to folklore rather than the novel or the broadsheet.
Folklore—comparative folklore—enabled him to bridge the deepest chasm in colonial society, which lay not between colonized and colonizers—they all lived in the lowlands, they were all Catholics, and they dealt with one another all the time. First, there is the possibility—the hope—of local cultural renaissance. With a certain sly prudence, Isabelo allowed Astoll to speak on his behalf:. I can already hear the mocking laughter of those braggarts who have made such fun of you.
And these traditions and superstitious practices which you are making known could one day inspire great poets, and enthusiastic lovers of the strange beauties of this rich garden. Taking advantage of the folkloric materials gathered by D. Alejandro Guichot and D. Luis Montoto in Andalusia, by D. If it spots the master first, the latter will die, but that fate will strike the former if the master sees the snake first.
The Italians and the English, as well as some Central Europeans, believe it is a basilisk that is hatched. The Spaniards place a broom vertically behind a door, while the Portuguese put a shoe on a bench in the same spot, or throw salt on the fire.
But for Peninsulars Spaniards and Portuguese it is good. All three agree that a headboard facing south is unlucky. The third aim was political self-criticism. Isabelo wrote that he was trying to show, through his systematic display of el saber popular , those reforms in the ideas and everyday practices of the pueblo that must be undertaken in a self-critical spirit. It is clear, then, that Isabelo was writing for one and a half audiences: Spaniards, whose language he was using, and his own pueblo , whose language he was not using, and of whom only a tiny minority could read his work.
Where did Isabelo position himself in undertaking this task? At this juncture we finally come to perhaps the most interesting part of our enquiry. For most of the hundreds of pages of his book, Isabelo spoke as if he were not an Ilocano himself, or, at least, as if he were standing outside his people. At the same time, a number of passages have a rather different tonality. At the start of the exposition of his research results Isabelo wrote:.
The Ilocanos, especially those from Ilocos Norte [Northern Ilocos], before starting to cut down trees in the mountains, sing the following verse:. Here Isabelo positions himself firmly within the Ilocano world. He knows what the Ilocano words mean, but his readers do not: to them and by this he intends not only Spaniards, but also other Europeans, as well as non-Ilocano natives of the archipelago this experience is closed.
Isabelo is a kindly and scientific man, who wishes to tell the outsiders something of this world; but he does not proceed by smooth paraphrase. The reader is confronted by an eruption of the incomprehensible original Ilocano, before being tendered a translation. The untranslatable, no less; and beyond that, perhaps, the incommensurable. On this ground he could not be contested. However, he needed to show, or half-show, his trumps. This is the satisfaction of the tease: Dear readers, here is Ilocano for you to view, but you can only see what I permit you to see; and there are some things that you are actually incapable of seeing.
There is still a third position, which complicates matters further. The lyrics of the dal-lot are well worth knowing. The dal-lot is composed of eight-line stanzas, with a special Ilocano rhyming scheme which you can see from the following refrain:.
I transcribe it for you, because I do not know how to translate it, and I do not even understand it, even though I am an Ilocano. It seems to me to have no meaning. Isabelo leaves it at that. No speculations.
But there is an intimation, nonetheless, of the vastness of the saber popular. From the end of the eighteenth century down to our haggard own, folklore studies, even if not always selfconsciously defined as such, have proved a fundamental resource to nationalist movements. In Europe, they provided a powerful impulse for the development of vernacular cultures linking especially peasantries, artists and intellectuals, and bourgeoisies in their complicated struggles against the forces of legitimacy.
Urban composers foraged for folk songs, urban poets captured and transformed the styles and themes of folk poetry, and novelists turned to the depiction of folk countrysides. As the newly imagined national community headed towards the magnetic future, nothing seemed more valuable than a useful and authentic past.
Printed vernaculars were almost always central. If in Europe folklorists wrote mostly for their paisanos , to show them their common and authentic origins, Isabelo wrote mostly for the early globalizing world he found himself within—to show how Ilocanos and other indios were fully able and eager to enter that world, on a basis of equality and autonomous contribution. Why should this have been so? One possible answer is that in all the other colonies there survived a substantial written record from precolonial times—royal chronicles, Buddhist cosmologies, monastic records, Sufi tracts, court literatures, etcetera—and it was these, more than folklore, that provided aboriginality and glorious authenticity when nationalist movements got under way.
The remote Philippines had no tradition of powerful, centralized and literate states, and had been so thinly touched by Islam and Buddhism that most of the inhabitants were Christianized with remarkably little violence. Seen from this angle, folklore could substitute for ancient grandeur. Another, maybe better, answer lies in the nature of nineteenth-century Iberian imperialism.
Spain and Portugal, once the great imperial centers of the world, had been in decline since the mid-seventeenth century. Throughout the nineteenth century, Spain was rent by the most violent internal conflicts as it struggled to make the transition from feudal past to industrial modernity. In the eyes of many of its own inhabitants, Spain was backward, superstitious, and barely industrializing. This understanding was widely shared not only in Europe generally, but also by the young intellectuals of the residual Spanish colonies.
Isabelo saw himself as an ilustrado , great-grandson of Denis Diderot; and thus naturally involved in a common struggle alongside substantial numbers of Spaniards in the Peninsula itself. This kind of transcontinental alliance was on the whole uncharacteristic of struggling nationalists in Europe itself.
It thus seemed quite normal to the youthful Ilocano to dedicate his work to his colleagues in Spain. Many of the first generation of Philippine intellectuals also learned Latin, with some French, in Manila; if they went abroad, they might acquire some English and German as well.
Nowhere does one detect any marked aversion or distrust towards this Romance language so heavily marked by Arabic, the common vehicle of both reaction and enlightenment. Why this should have been so is a very interesting question. One answer is surely that, in complete contrast to almost all of Latin America, Spanish was never even close to being a majority language in the Philippines.
Furthermore, Castilian appeared to him as the necessary linguistic vehicle for speaking not only to Spain but also, through Spain, to all the centers of modernity, science, and civilization. It was more an international language then it was a colonial one. It is striking that Isabelo never considered the possibility that, by writing in Spanish, he was somehow betraying his pueblo or had been sucked into a dominant culture.
I think the reason for this seemingly innocent stance is that, in the s, the future status of Las Islas Filipinas was visibly unstable, and some kind of political emancipation was looming on the horizon. This instability had everything to do with local circumstances, but it was ultimately grounded in the emancipation of Latin America more than half a century earlier. Spain was the only big imperial power that lost its empire in the nineteenth century.
Nowhere else in the colonial world did the colonized have such examples of achieved liberation before their eyes. No emancipation visible on the horizon in either case. He was always thinking about two audiences, even when writing for one and a half. Spanish was not for him a national language, merely international. But was there a national language to which it could be opposed? Not exactly. The local languages with the largest numbers of speakers—Ilocano in the north, Tagalog in the middle, and Cebuano in the south—were all relatively small minority languages, and only just starting to burst into print.
Was there a clear-cut patria to which his own language could be attached? A hypothetical Ilocano-land? He never spoke of it as such. Besides, there were those Aetas and Igorots, with their own languages, who were his hermanos. This state of fluidity thus led him back, at twenty-three years old, to the obscurely bordered culture out of which he grew, and which he sensed he had partly outgrown.
Ilocano popular knowledge, or culture, thus came to its young patriot as something to be investigated from the outside, as well as to be experienced from within, to be displayed to the whole world, but also something to be corrected—of course, by the Ilocanos themselves. His mother tongue, Ilocano, thus became something to be translated, yet partly untranslatable. And at some points it even slipped quietly away beyond the sunlit horizon of the Enlightened young bilingual himself.
Sunlit, but exactly why? Isabelo was an ebullient, practical, hugely energetic man, not much given to introspection. He got married when he was twenty, and his first wife had already given successful birth six times when she died in tragic circumstances in the early spring of Subsequently, he married in succession a Spanish woman and a Chinese, both of whom died in childbirth, and both of whom gave birth nine times.
Even though his hostility to the Orders was patent, his writings do not seem ever to have got him to any serious political trouble. He was a provinciano who had made good in the colonial capital, and he was generally satisfied with his life. He did not go to Europe till the summer of , at the age of thirty-three, and it was, as we shall see, entirely against his will—he was sent, in chains, to the torture fortress of Montjuich in Barcelona.
The Europe he knew as a youngster came to him through the post—letters, books, and magazines from friendly academics, amateur folklorists, and journalists on the other side of the globe. Radiant progress was at hand. Rizal, three years older, could not have been less sunlit: brooding, sensitive, endlessly introspective, impractical, and quite aware of his genius.
He got married, perhaps, only on the night of his execution, and had no children. He left for Europe in , shortly before his twenty-first birthday, and stayed there—first in Spain, then in France, Germany, England, and Belgium—for most of the next ten years. A natural polyglot, he acquired English, and German, and even some Italian.
Without a doubt, he knew Europe better and more widely than any of his countrymen. He made plenty of personal friends in the professional ethnological circles of Western Europe, but most of his early published writing consisted of elegantly polemical articles on political subjects relating to the condition of his colonized patria.
In a limited sense, these novels came out of the blue. Prior to Noli me tangere only one novel—very bad indeed—had ever been written by a Filipino. Eduard Douwes Dekker b. Casanova makes a strong argument that historically writers on the periphery of the World Republic of Letters have found their originality in trying to break into the Capital of Letters by challenging its premises in different styles.
The remainder of this chapter will be devoted to outlining how and where Rizal went about this task. It has to be conceded at the start that the evidence external to the novels is rather skimpy. The records of two personal libraries offer some indirect additional indications. The library that Rizal himself brought back from Europe included texts by Chateaubriand, A. His correspondence makes it clear that he had also read Andersen, Balzac, Hebel, and Swift.
But it shows unmistakably how central to his novelistic reading was France. Recently, the books and papers left behind after the death of the medical doctor and distinguished philologist Trinidad Pardo de Tavera have been catalogued and made available to researchers at the Ateneo de Manila University. Rizal was a close friend of Pardo, in whose palatial rooms he stayed for part of the seven months he spent in the French capital in — This was the period when he started composing Noli me tangere.
Henry 4 , Kipling, Sinclair, and Thackeray collected works in 22 volumes. Once again, French authors are completely dominant. There are several surprises in store. For all its satirical brilliance and the synoptic picture it gives of late-nineteenth-century colonial society in the Philippines, Noli me tangere can be said—up to a point—to be realist in style.
By the end of the novel these dreams are in ruins, thanks to the machinations of reactionary, lustful members of the Orders, and to the corruption and incompetence of the colonial administration. Maria Clara, who is revealed to be the child of an adulterous Franciscan friar, retires to the nameless horrors of a convent, and Ibarra himself seems to have perished, gunned down by the regime after being framed by the Orders for a revolutionary conspiracy.
El Filibusterismo is much stranger. The reader gradually discovers that Ibarra did not die after all—his noble alter ego, Elias, sacrificed his own life to save him. His aim is to corrupt further an already corrupt regime, to the point that an armed uprising will occur that will destroy the colonial system and liberate Maria Clara. The climax of the narrative is a plot to detonate a huge nitroglycerine bomb, concealed in a jeweled lamp shaped as a pomegranate, at a grand wedding attended by the entire colonial elite.
The conspiracy, however, goes awry. Maria Clara is discovered to be already dead, and Simoun, gravely wounded, dies on a lonely shore before he can be apprehended. One could perhaps think not entirely amiss, as will be shown later that the novel was proleptic fiction, set in a time as yet to come—although no other Filipino would write the future like this for more than a century.
It is as if he can no longer see what is in front of him simply as a familiar object. Noli me tangere is full of scorching epigrams and witty reflections, but there is no other phrase that is both eerie and unsatirical like this. My initial reaction to this suggestion was disbelief. But later the suggestion seemed at least worth looking into. But had Rizal read Baudelaire or Poe? Then came the second accident: the arrival on my desk of a draft article from the pioneering Gay Studies scholar Neil Garcia, of the University of the Philippines.
Garcia also seemed to feel that as a Third World provinciano , Rizal must have been sexually pretty innocent. At one point Tadeo comments thus:. That respectable gentleman, so elegantly dressed, is no doctor but a homeopathist of a unique type; he professes in everything the principle of like-with-like. The young cavalry captain arriving with him is his favorite disciple. In other words, Tadeo appears really to be addressing not a country boy but some rather sophisticated readers.
Who were they? This question became still more pressing when I consulted the big facsimile edition of the original El Filibusterismo manuscript. One can easily see why Rizal thought better of this formulation. Artistically speaking, it absolutely did not fit the cynicism of the character Tadeo, who never speaks of amor. But culturally and morally speaking, it would surely have been scandalous in the Philippines of the friars.
Besides, were there really prominent men in late-colonial Manila who showed up at big public events with their good-looking military boyfriends? It does not seem too likely. The first, clearly female, are probably kitchen staff; the second, of less explicit gender, are probably housemaids. The third group, however, are, as coachmen, unmistakably male. All the groups, however, are played by actresses, the last in teasing drag. Paulita felt more and more depressed, thinking about how some of these girls, called cochers , might occupy the attention of Isagani.
The word cochers reminded her of certain appellations which convent-school girls use among themselves to explain a species of affection. It is interesting that this passage does not appear in the facsimile, which means that Rizal inserted it at the last minute. Acte gratuit? It seems improbable. Were the passages inserted for a Filipino readership? Possibly, but more than a century would pass before any Filipino author again referred to male or female homosexuality in this allusive, but offhand manner.
It turned out that my memory was only 50 percent correct: homosexuality was there, and homeopathy too, but in quite unrelated contexts. Had Rizal ingeniously put them together? Perhaps it was a sheer fluke that Huysmans and Rizal had put homeopathy and homosexuality together in novels written less than seven years away from each other.
But it seemed sensible to keep reading. No real flowers, for example, but artificial blooms made of rare and strange jewels; a pet tortoise slowly dying under the weight of a carapace entirely studded with gems. One cannot help but recall that Simoun, the central figure in El Filibusterismo , draws his singularity, his wealth and his power, from trafficking in rare and antique precious stones.
Another coincidence? But there were other much stronger correspondences. But the most striking coincidences between the work of Huysmans and Rizal turned out to be with El Filibusterismo , rather than with Noli me tangere. I will mention just three, all of which involve sex of different types. These are placed at the far end of the bedroom, which is illuminated only by the dim glow of embers in a coal-grate fire.
This Dominican has been lured into attending the show, and now faints in superstitious terror. Next, there is the curious scene where Des Esseintes picks up a teenager off the street, and takes him to a very expensive brothel.
While the boy is busy losing his putative virginity, Des Esseintes chats with the madam whom he knows very well. Says Madame Laure:. I understand; come on, you rascal, tell me, you need them young. Having denied any sexual interest in the lad, he then explains his scheme. By then, the boy will be sexually addicted, and to pay for further sessions will turn to burglary and thus eventually to murder.
One more corrupted teenager will not in himself change anything in France. He says this to the young medical student Basilio, who has felt helpless against the clerical murderer of his little brother, whose death had driven his mother insane:. Victim of a vicious system, I have wandered throughout the world, laboring night and day to amass a fortune and bring my plan to fruition. Now I have returned to destroy this system, precipitate its corruption, and push it to the abyss towards which it insensately hurtles—even if I have to make use of torrents of tears and blood.
There it stands, self-condemned, and I do not wish to die before seeing it shattered to pieces at the bottom of the precipice. The linkages will be discussed in detail in a later chapter. Des Esseintes could never think of it again without shuddering; never had he endured a more alluring, and a more imperious captivity; never had he experienced such perils, never too had he been more painfully satisfied.
One should not take these sentences out of context. Des Esseintes, like Huysmans himself, is heterosexual, with a long string of mistresses. There is no equivalent to this episode in El Filibusterismo , and Simoun appears to be almost asexual. Verlaine was a lifelong friend of Huysmans, and besides, in avant-garde literary circles it was a point of honor to disdain bourgeois, official, and good-Catholic conceptions of morality.
Lesbian affections, furthermore, were very chic in nineteenth-century French literature from the time of Balzac on. We know little of what Rizal did in Paris except to take classes with a then-famous ophthalmic surgeon. But he lived with close Filipino friends, not only the philologist Trinidad Pardo de Tavera but also the painter Juan Luna, who had lived in the magical city longer, and were more fluent in French.
Rizal once said that he had written one quarter of Noli me tangere while in Paris. When I asked him the reason for this needless luxury of French, he explained to me that his purpose was to write from then on French in the event that his Noli me tangere proved to be a failure, and his countrymen did not respond to the objectives of the work. Definitely a coincidence, but a nice one. A quite different insight came to me as I was doing research on the great Dutch writer Eduard Douwes Dekker pen name Multatuli —87 and his bombshell anticolonial novel Max Havelaar , which was first published in , and translated into German, French, and English in the s and s.
It remains one of the first anticolonial novels based on concrete experience in a colony. Max Havelaar is also, among other things, about a young, idealistic hero like Ibarra of Noli me tangere who tries to defend the oppressed natives, and who is then politically and financially destroyed by a cabal of corrupt colonial bureaucrats and sinister native chiefs.
The novel can be understood as Douwes Dekker returning fire on the powerful enemies who had not only forced him out of the colonial civil service to return home in penury, but were continuing a brutal exploitation of the Javanese peasantry. Rizal ran across Max Havelaar late in while in London, probably in the quite good English translation. He was reading it shortly after Noli me tangere had come out and Douwes Dekker himself had died.
In a December 6 th letter Rizal wrote thus to Blumentritt:. Without a doubt, it is far superior to my own. Still, because the author is himself a Dutchman, his attacks are not as powerful as mine. Yet the book is much more artistic, far more elegant than my own, although it only exposes one aspect of Dutch life on Java. There is a very strong probability that the young Filipino found in Max Havelaar an example of how a novel could be powerfully written to take anticolonial political, and personal, revenge.
Evidence for this argument will be developed in the following chapter, where El Filibusterismo is analyzed in more detail. Sue benefited from, and exploited, the innovation of romans-feuilleton , novels serialized in competitive daily newspapers, which created huge new markets for novelists. His works were rapidly translated into all the major European languages. Newspaper publishers encouraged gifted writers to keep readers hooked from issue to issue by artful suspense, intrigue, exotica, undying tragic loves, revenge, satire, and panoramic views of all levels of society.
Composing this kind of serialized novel meant holding multiple plots together, usually by means of an unnamed, omniscient narrator, rapid and abrupt shifts from milieu to milieu and time to time, and quite often a moralizing populist politics. But it will be recalled that in his library there were ten works by Sue, far more than by any other writer. This did not mean that he was not shrewdly critical of his predecessor. In his Memorias de un estudiante de Manila , written under the pen name P.
Part of the explanation is the difference in life span between the two men. Pardo, however, survived his friend by thirty years. Noli me tangere is in every respect vastly superior. Douwes Dekker could be killingly funny, but Rizal only read him after Noli me tangere was published.
In the Epilogue to Noli me tangere , the year-old Filipino wrote:. Victorina, pero no es posible … Que vivan! Since many of our characters are still alive, and having lost sight of others, a true epilogue is not possible. In the end, the country, and not we, will have to feed them . It was a miraculous import, with which it was possible to play, as Debussy would do with the gamelan music of the Javanese. Everything could be mocked, but not long-distance.
The basic contrast between the work of Isabelo de los Reyes and Rizal lay in the very genres that they adopted. In the world of global ethnology and folklore studies, to which Isabelo attached himself, the basic norms were professional and cooperative. Emulation was by no means excluded, but it was subordinated to what all participants understood as a world enterprise to which each gave his or her own contribution.
Isabelo thought there was nothing strange in dedicating his magnum opus to ethnological colleagues in Spain, and liberally citing the texts of English, Portuguese, Italian, and Spanish folklorists in his footnotes. But novelists do not have colleagues, and the norms basic to the novel genre are profoundly competitive, whether in terms of originality or of market popularity. Almost one fifth of the sixty-four chapters in Noli me tangere begin with epigraphs, which, if one wished, could be thought of as shadow footnotes.
But these are all taken from poets, dramatists, philosophers, the Bible, and the vast, enigmatic world of popular sayings; and they come in Spanish, Italian, Latin, and even Hebrew. Not one is from a novelist. Needless to say all the roles in the play, male and female, were played by the teenage boys. Puberty being puberty, Roxas wrote, passionate affairs developed, till one of the various love letters being handed about was intercepted by the prying Fathers.
This book is an English translation of columns Roxas wrote in Spanish for El Debate between and If this is true—and the 4, pesos do not sound like false coin—it means these Chinese prostitutes were swanning about in Manila when Rizal was a sixteen-year-old schoolboy there.
Big-city teenage schoolboys being what they are, it does not seem likely that his classmates were unaware of the traffic. Rizal tells us that he bought a Spanish translation of this immense work for 10 pesetas, while paying another 2. See the entry for January 6, , in his Diario de Madrid , in Diarios y memorias , p. On January 25, he recorded that he had just finished the book, and offered this pithy comment.
Se impone, domina, confunde, subyuga, pero no hace llorar. It imposes itself, dominates, confounds, and subjugates, but does not make [me] weep. Another international point should also be made. We can get an idea of their broad culture from four letters sent home by Rizal between June 21 and August 2, during his first trip to Paris. The striking thing is that he explains none of these names, and obviously feels no need to do so.
His parents are already perfectly familiar with them. By the time El Filibusterismo was published Rizal had been in Europe for almost ten years, and had learned the two master-languages of the subcontinent—German and French—as well as some English. He had also lived for extended periods in Paris, Berlin, and London.
He subtitled his second major fiction novela filipina with good political reason, as will be shown later on. But, seen from another angle, it is Noli me tangere that is filipina , while El Filibusterismo could well be termed a novela mundial. The former has no characters who are not either colonizers or colonized; but in the latter, we have already noted the appearance of a French vaudeville troupe in Manila, as well as that of Mr Leeds, the verdadero yankee , who is said to be fluent in Spanish because of long residence in South America.
Yet, compared with Noli me tangere , which has been translated into a good number of languages and is widely known and loved in the Philippines, El Filibusterismo is relatively unregarded. At one level, this neglect is easy to understand. The novel has no real hero, while Noli me tangere has at least one, and perhaps three.
The moral tone is darker, the politics more central, and the style more sardonic. One might say that if the Father of the Philippine Nation had not written it, the book would have had few readers in the Philippines, let alone elsewhere, up till today. Yet it is an astonishing work in many ways. For Filipino intellectuals and scholars it has been a puzzle, not least because they have been distressed by its apparent lack of correspondence with what is known about Philippine colonial society in the s.
But at least some of these difficulties may be reduced if we consider the text as global, no less than local. To create such a multicentered perspective, the narrative technique must inevitably be that of montage. The analyst must begin with the political experience of the young Rizal before he set off to Europe in The second world was that of the global Left.
The Paris Commune sent reverberations all over the planet. Its savage suppression by a French government far more afraid of the communards than of Bismarck, followed by the death of Marx, opened the way for the rise of international anarchism, which up to the end of the century was the main vehicle of global opposition to industrial capitalism, autocracy, latifundism, and imperialism.
To this upsurge, the Swedish businessman-scientist Alfred Nobel unwittingly made a signal contribution by inventing the first-ever weapon of mass destruction readily available to energetic members of the oppressed classes almost anywhere across the globe.
Third was the narrower world of the decaying, residual Spanish empire into which Rizal was born. The metropole itself was wracked by dynastic civil war, fierce competition between ethno-regions, class conflicts, and ideological struggles of many kinds. In the far-flung colonies, stretching from the Caribbean through northern Africa to the rim of the Pacific, anticolonial movements, led by that of Cuba, were steadily increasing in vehemence and social support, while at the same time beginning to have serious contacts with one another.
In a dynastic crisis occurred in Spain that gave rise to two successive civil wars and haunted the country to the end of the century. Raising an army in the ultraconservative North Navarre, Aragon, and the Basque Country , he opened a war that lasted the rest of the decade and ended only in an uneasy truce. The Regent and her circle turned, for financial as well as political reasons, to the liberals for support, and by a measure of far-reaching consequences, as we shall see, expropriated the property of all the powerful Orders.
In the last months before this regime finally fell, in September , the Queen ordered the deportation of a number of her republican enemies to the Philippines, where they were incarcerated on the fortified island of Corregidor in Manila Bay. But in Madrid, with the decision to install Amadeo of Savoy as the new unpopular sovereign, the political winds started to shift.
On February 20, a mutiny broke out there in which seven Spanish officers were killed. It was quickly suppressed, but Izquierdo followed up by arresting hundreds of creoles and mestizos—secular priests, merchants, lawyers, and even members of the colonial administration. But the regime, abetted by some conservative friars, decided to make a terrifying public example of three liberal, secular priests. Six months later, on September 2, almost 1, workers in the Cavite shipyards and arsenal went on the first recorded strike in Philippine history.
Numerous people were arrested and interrogated but the regime failed to find an arrestable mastermind, and eventually all were released. In , he dedicated El Filibusterismo to the memory of the three martyred priests. When asked in by his Austrian friend the ethnologist Ferdinand Blumentritt what the meaning was of the odd word filibustero , he replied:.
Ich erinnere mich noch das Erschrecken welches dieses Wort weckte. The word filibustero is still very little known in the Philippines; the common people as yet are unaware of it. The first time I heard it was in [he was then eleven years old] when the executions took place. I still remember the terror it aroused. Our father forbade us ever to utter it … [It means] a dangerous patriot who will soon be hanged, or a presumptuous fellow!
In the late spring of , the twenty-year-old Rizal left his country to study in Spain, concealing his plan from his parents, but supported by his adored brother Paciano and a sympathetic uncle. How was this possible? In , world sugar prices were still high, but would crash in the depression that lasted from to I walked along those wide, clean streets, macademized as in Manila, crowded with people, attracting the attention of everyone; they called me Chinese, Japanese, American [that is, Latin American], etc.
Unfortunate country—nobody knows a thing about you! In Madrid, he was to be asked by fellow students whether the Philippines was owned by the United Kingdom or by Spain, and another Filipino whether it was very far from Manila. In the colony—but the Spanish state never called either the Philippines or Cuba a colony, and contained no Colonial Ministry—racial hierarchy, embedded in law, modes of taxation, and sumptuary codes, was of overriding importance to everyone.
In the Philippines, the word filipino referred to the creoles alone. In Spain, however, Rizal and his fellow students quickly discovered that these distinctions were either unknown or seen as irrelevant. On April 13, , Rizal would write to Blumentritt thus:. All of us have to make sacrifices for political purposes, even when we have no inclination to do so. This is understood by my friends, who publish our newspaper in Madrid; these friends are all youngsters, creoles, mestizos, and Malays, but we call ourselves simply Filipinos.
But there is actually a further elision, since many of these mestizos were Chinese not Spanish. Indeed the Chinese mestizos vastly outnumbered Spanish mestizos in the Philippines. Thus one can suggest that Filipino nationalism really had its locational origins in urban Spain rather than in the Philippines. By the summer of , he had received his doctorate in philosophy and letters, and would have done the same in medicine if his money had not run out.
We have described earlier in some detail the excited letters he wrote to his family from the French capital. There is nothing remotely comparable for Madrid. Paris was the first geographical—political space that allowed him to see imperial Spain as profoundly backward: economically, scientifically, industrially, educationally, culturally, and politically. He was in a position to ridicule the colonialists rather than merely to denounce them. This victory made possible the proclamation he engineered in January —at Versailles, not Berlin—of the new German empire, and the annexation of Alsace-Lorraine.
From this point on until the ruin of the Great War, imperial Germany was the dominant power on the European continent. In the s, reversing an earlier policy, Bismarck began to interest himself in competing with Britain and France in extra-European imperial adventures—primarily in Africa, but also in the Far East and in Oceania.
A look at any atlas will show why. The Marianas are roughly 1, miles due east of Manila, the westernmost Carolines about miles due east from the southern Philippine island of Mindanao, and the Marshalls another 1, miles further east. From early imperialist times, when the Papacy had declared the Pacific a mare clausum for the rulers of the Spanish empire, up to the Napoleonic Wars, these archipelagoes had been generally regarded as under Spanish suzerainty.
In fact Spain had little interest in them, except as coaling stations and as places to exile political troublemakers. Insofar as they were administered at all, the task was left to the Captain-General of the Philippines. But in Germany took the liberty of establishing a coaling station of its own in the Marshalls, following in the sea-steps of private commerce. In , Berlin annexed northeast New Guinea about miles due south of the central Carolines , hitherto run by a private company.
The following year it moved to claim the Carolines by raising the imperial flag on the island of Yap. Rome confirmed this sovereignty, but the Germans won trade and coaling privileges, and through a deal with London took control of the Marshalls. The following year the Solomons were partitioned between the United Kingdom and Germany.
Rizal was under no illusions about Bismarck personally, but he was enormously impressed by Germany, which with its Protestant sobriety, its orderliness and discipline, its impressive intellectual life and its industrial progress, made a salutary contrast to Mother Spain. In March the Commune took power in the abandoned city and held it for two months. More than 7, were jailed or deported to distant places such as New Caledonia and Cayenne. In , stringent laws were passed that ruled out all possibilities of organizing on the Left.
Not till was there a general amnesty for exiled and imprisoned communards. We shall look at this development in more detail later. This stance persisted until the happy concordat with Mussolini at the end of the s. Italian imperialism of a mediocre sort began in East Africa, while rural misery in the South was so great that between and , half a million Italians left the country every year.
Rizal visited Rome briefly in but seems not to have noticed anything but antiquities. On his return to Europe in February via the Pacific, Rizal made a brief stop in mid-Meiji Japan, and was impressed by its orderliness, energy, and ambition, and appalled by the rickshaws.
It was gratifying, of course, to see a non-European people protect its independence and make rapid strides towards modernity. Though he spent a short time in Hong Kong, China itself seems to have been off his map. He reached San Francisco at election time, when anti-Asian demagogy was at its height. Nothing was less likely to impress him than the corruption of the Gilded Age, the post-Reconstruction repression of black former slaves, the brutal anti-miscegenation laws, the lynchings, and so on.
He then settled contentedly in London to do research on early Philippine history at the British Museum, and seems to have taken no interest in the gradually growing crisis over Ireland. Living on Primrose Hill, was he aware that Engels was ensconced close by? Indeed, already in , he had sensed the direction of things to come. Europe constantly menaced by a terrifying conflagration; the scepter of the world slipping from the trembling hands of declining France; the nations of the North preparing to seize it; Russia, over the head of whose emperor hangs the sword of Nihilism, like Damocles in Antiquity, such is Europe the Civilized.
The year Rizal was born, Mikhail Bakunin escaped to western Europe from Siberia where for a decade he had been serving a life sentence for his conspiratorial activities against tsardom in the s. The following year, , Turgenev published Fathers and Sons , his masterly study of the outlook and psychology of a certain type of Nihilist. Four years later, a Moscow student named Karakozov attempted to shoot Alexander II, and was hanged with four others in the great public square of Smolensk.
In March the year-old Nihilist leader Sergei Nechayev left Russia; he met Bakunin in Geneva, where they coauthored the sensational Catechism of a Revolutionary , and returned to Moscow a few months later. Bakunin kept up strained relations with the Nihilist leader despite the notorious murder of a skeptical student follower, later fictionalized by Dostoievsky in The Possessed.
Towards the end of the s, by which time the Nihilists were being succeeded by small clusters of narodniki as the clandestine radical opposition to the autocracy, political assassination, successful and failed, had become quite common in Russia. The storms of Russia were to have profound effects across Europe. They can be symbolically represented in one epoch by Bakunin born in , who died in , and, in a second, by Prince Pyotr Kropotkin born in , who escaped from a Tsarist prison to western Europe that same year.
The fifth congress was supposed to assemble in Paris, but Sedan made this impossible. By the time it was finally held, in in The Hague, it was hopelessly divided. Such regimes found it much easier to smash trade unions and political parties than to keep track of, penetrate, and destroy dozens of self-generated autonomous groupuscules. Anarchist theory was less contemptuous of peasants and rural labour than mainstream Marxism was then inclined to be.
One could argue that it was also more viscerally anticlerical. Probably these conditions help to explain why revolutionary anarchism spread most successfully in still heavily peasant, Catholic post-Commune France, Restoration Spain, and post-unification Italy, Cuba—and even Gilded Age immigrant-worker America—while prospering much less than mainstream Marxism in largely Protestant, industrial, semidemocratic northern Europe.
The same ambience allowed the young anarchist cook Giovanni Passanante to get off lightly when he narrowly failed to kill the young king with a knife etched with the words Long Live the International Republic. Revolutionaries were urged to continue the insinuated campaign of mass poisonings Rizal had just made his first happy trip to Paris a few months before. But a quick glance at the spate of spectacular assassinations that erupted in the twenty years prior to the onset of the Great War will show some interesting features.
The first thing to notice is that all the major states are on the list, except for the United Kingdom and Germany within Europe, and China and the Ottoman Empire outside. Third, while the nationalists typically killed their own rulers, anarchist assassins served their cause across national boundaries. And Rizal? The same is true of his time in Paris. Most of his post experience in Europe was in Germany, England, and Belgium, countries where anarchist activity was fairly insignificant.
But he was an avid reader of newspapers, and followed world political trends with eager interest. The obvious question that arises is: did he actually know any European radicals personally? The evidence is circumstantial, but interesting. He said that like many others he had been an admirer of Alexander II.
Yet at the same time I admired the daring and the enormous sense of responsibility of the Nihilists, about whom I had information that seemed to me all the more moving in that it came from my professor of Russian, Michael Atchinatski, a famous Nihilist whom at that time had already been three times sentenced to death for attempts on the life of that same Tsar. I know, I know … But they are your spiritual sisters.
All of you come from countries dominated by religious and political tyrannies, and are here now in this country because you have reached the safety of our liberty. Pardo went to visit the pair quite often and became fond of them. Both were from well-off families in Kazan, and had gone to St Petersburg to study medicine.
Terribly poor, they survived on odd jobs and occasional translations. SOS Intelligence, a U. SOS Intelligence also found a collection of around 7, candidate resumes, over databases and a "large number" of private keys for a number of different services. Autodesk confirmed it was investigating the incident, but no other Globant customers have yet responded.
This latest breach comes just days after U. According to Gotiong, the project is already in its seco. Based on the police investigation, the mother noticed a few days ago that her son was sad, always in a pensive mood.
When she asked him about his problems, her son would not tell her. Around 6 a. Worried that he. THE returning mayor of Consolacion town, northern Cebu has vowed to boost jobs, revenues and business opportunities for her constituents. In her inaugural speech, Alegado showcased her blueprint for the development of Consolacion. The vessel was reportedly carrying around passengers and crew. The Philippine Coast Guard has yet to issue a statement regarding the incident.
Shortly after bankrupt Sri Lanka began talks with the International Monetary Fund IMF , an image was repeatedly shared in Facebook and WhatsApp posts that criticised the behaviour of the island nation's officials during the meeting. But the photo has been shared in a misleading context: it has circulated in reports about a meeting between a group of Sri Lankan opposition officials and Russian diplomats -- not the IMF delegation.
The image was shared on Facebook on June It shows MPs Wimal Wee. In a separate interview, Dr. Joseph Martel Mahinay, doctor of Barili Infirmary, said the facilit. Judge Rose Lacend scored it close at for Gonzalez, while both judges Efrain Lebron and Alex Levin saw the defending Puerto Rican champion winning by a wider margin with identical scores.
The year-old Barriga, who c. On April 8, ,. I am perhaps the only person who likes to wake up early while on vacation yet likes to wake up late the rest of the year. It takes a while for me to warm up. I like to work at night and sleep in the morning. I normal. SOME jeepney drivers in Cebu City have called on the government to help lower the prices of fuel, saying what they get from driving jeepneys are insufficient to meet their daily needs.
A lot of people seem to think so. Sadly, they can not be more wrong. Please allow me to address this absurd notion. The argument is so simple that I am confused how these people could miss it. In this article, Diana Tan Villanueva discusses the importance of educating oneself about stress. She is a lifestyle medical consultant at Diana Villanueva Wellness Center, a certified health and wellness coach, and a member of the American College of Lifestyle Medicine.
In the World-Shadow of Bismarck and Nobel.
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